Shared Values and Shared Future: The Importance Of Turkey To Our Common Future
Speech at Bahcesehir University, Istanbul, Turkey
September 5th, 2007
This is one of my early visits outside the UK as Foreign Secretary and this, my first visit to Turkey, is intended to reflect my simple belief: that the relationship between Turkey and the EU represents one of the defining political tests of our time. Get it right, and we can prove wrong those who say we are destined for a clash of civilisations, that East and West, Muslims, Christians and Jews, can find no common ground; get it wrong and we give succour to those who would pull us apart.
So this speech is about building bridges at a time of change. There are new Governments in Britain and in Turkey, new challenges facing our countries. But my starting point is our new and shared opportunity: the opportunity to bridge the gap between Europe and Asia.
The last phase of globalisation in the 19th century polarised the world. At the beginning of the 19th century, the average citizen in India and China enjoyed around half the wealth of citizens in Western Europe. By the end of the century, they had just one seventh.
Today, there are massive forces for inequality between people. But there are also very strong forces of 21st century globalisation pulling countries closer together. For example, China and India’s economies together represent about a quarter of US GDP. By 2030, they are expected to command a similar share of the global economy as the US.
As the historian, John Darwin puts it:
“The ‘great divergence’ in wealth and economic performance between the Euro-Atlantic West and most of the rest of Eurasia has given way instead to the ‘great convergence’, which should, if it continues, restore the balance to the rough equilibrium of half a millennium ago in the next 50 years.”
If we can sustain ‘the great convergence’ of power, wealth and opportunity between East and West, if we can create a world where what we share – in terms of interests and values, rights and responsibilities, institutions and activities – far outweighs that which separates us, if we can recognise that our common humanity shines through our diversity, I believe we can create the conditions to tackle insecurity and build prosperity.
In bridging the gap between Europe and Asia, between East and West, there is no more pivotal country than Turkey. Your geography and culture, your past and your present have placed you at the crossroads between East and West. At a time when we face risks and opportunities that cross geographical borders, from climate change and organised crime to global terrorism, there is a simple choice.
There is the temptation to turn inwards, to tend to our own affairs, to try to shut out the chaotic and sometimes capricious world around us. But the truth is that global affairs are now all our own affairs. Avian flu in Thailand, economic stress in the US, terrorist training in Pakistan are not foreign business but domestic concern. Fortifying our defences is necessary but not sufficient. We – Britain, Turkey and the rest of Europe - must turn outwards and invest in shared projects and shared institutions that help harness the opportunities of our connected world. That is the argument I want to develop today.
The starting point is shared values. Across the world, we see a diversity of beliefs, ideals and ways of life – not just between countries but also within countries. Cultures are converging far less markedly than economies. Our aim should not be uniformity. It is neither possible nor desirable. Our need, however, is to create a consensus around a set of rules, norms and shared values that reflect our common humanity. That consensus needs to be built within countries – as we in Britain know well – and between countries. It starts with universal values of human dignity and human rights, democratic accountability and checks on arbitrary power.
It is not “western” to assert that there are universal human values. The dignity of every individual, their equal worth, are not Judeo-Christian ideas; they have inspired people of all religions, and none, throughout human history, in all parts of the world. And modern Turkey gives lie to the argument that democratic values and a secular democratic state are incompatible with a Muslim majority. Your recent elections, in which over 80% of the electorate voted, and the range of different parties and independents in the new Parliament, properly reflects the diversity of modern Turkey. As your new President said in his acceptance speech:
“a country cannot claim to be contemporary if even a single citizen is being discriminated against based on his or her religious, linguistic or ethnic characteristics or economic status.”
This is a country where Muslims want to be modernisers; where the key secular founding principle of the state is that people have a right to choose how to live their live but not to impose their views on others; and where it is the power of democracy that reconciles conflicting views and interests. Some say this is not possible: I believe it is the way of the future.
Your power is not just as an example. The Turkish Government is playing a key role in the battle of ideas against religious extremism. For example, Prime Minister Erdogan’s ‘Alliance of Civilisations’ initiative is working to identity key figures to spread messages of reconciliation especially in conflict situations. Turkey has chosen to sponsor major work on the empowerment of women in the Arab world. And just as you have supported us in our fight to combat Al-Qaeda attacks, we too support you in your fight to address the threat posed by the PKK.
This is not just a task for governments. That is why I am today launching a project with Bahcesehir University to involve civil society organisations in helping to get the voices of modernity and reconciliation better heard in the wider world.
These shared projects are vital to our shared future.
In the Middle East, Turkey can add a whole new dimension to efforts to bring security and prosperity to that region. For example, the project to build a secure industrial park in the West Bank, led by the Turkish Chamber of Commerce organisation, TOBB, could play a vital role in economic regeneration.
In Iraq, Turkey has been instrumental in supporting the democratic process, securing the participation of the Sunni Arab community in the elections in December 2005 and taking forward the Neighbours Initiative. Despite the security risks, strong trading relationships are developing, with Turkey now a major investor in Iraq.
In Afghanistan, Turkey is playing a key role as part of NATO. Turkish organisations are involved in building schools for girls. And through hosting the Karzai-Musharraf Summit, helping to bridge Afghan-Pakistani differences.
Turkey’s geographical position exposes it to risks as well as opportunities. It makes it a major route exploited by criminal gangs trafficking drugs and people. Turkish customs today are seizing ten times the amount of heroin they were just five years ago, progress that we must build on in the next year.
In relation to energy and climate change, Turkey is an increasingly important transit route for oil and natural gas, but is threatened by devastation of the Black Sea fish stocks, tourist towns and heritage sites on the coast, never mind severe water shortages. Turkey did not sign the Kyoto Protocol. But as the sixteenth biggest economy in the world, it is vital that Turkey is part of a global deal that succeeds the end of the first commitment period of the Kyoto protocol in 2012. If it makes this shift, I believe the economic benefits are significant. The global environmental technologies market is already worth over half a trillion dollars a year and is set to grow exponentially. Turkey is well placed to take up a leading position in renewable energy technologies, particularly hydro-electrical, geo-thermal and wind. We do not have to make a choice between economic growth and environmental protection. We have to choose between a high carbon development path that is damaging to prosperity as well as environment and security, and low carbon path of development that offers us economic and environmental benefits.
Shared projects and activities are required to tackle the urgent shared threats we face. But we also need to extend and strengthen our shared institutions: shared institutions that can provide focus and drive for our activities, help reconcile competing interests, and help to nurture common values.
This year is the 50th anniversary of the founding of the European Union. It has brought peace and prosperity to a continent that was ravaged by war. It did so by creating a political institution that furthered our shared economic interests and shared values, and where interests or values differed, enabled them to be reconciled peacefully.
But the truth is that thanks to its success in promoting peace, the European Union needs a new sense of purpose, as ambitious and relevant as those set 50 years ago. Today, the threat to our national security and prosperity does not come from conflict between European powers; it comes from terrorists and religious extremists within failed states outside Europe. It comes from nuclear proliferation outside Europe. It comes from the threat of climate change and conflict over energy and natural resources.
In the 1950s, the threats were internal, and the EU focus was also internal. In the 21st century, our national security challenge demands an outward-looking EU.
So if you are serious about countering terrorism, you have to recognise the value of the European Arrest Warrant that brought the 21st July bomber Hussein Osman to justice. If you are serious about tackling Iranian nuclear proliferation, you have to recognise the importance of the E3+3 process in coordinating the appropriate incentives and sanctions. If you are serious about climate change, you have to recognise that the EU’s leadership in environmental standards is transforming product markets and paving the way for a global deal.
In a world where Europe itself is made up of many different religions, and European interests require us to do business with people of all religions, it makes no sense for the EU to be defined as a closed Christian club. Its membership must demonstrate that diversity of religious beliefs is compatible with common values, and common institutions.
That project of an outward looking EU needs as a clear goal the position of Turkey as a full and equal member. Turkey and the rest of Europe are bound together by a shared belief in democracy and by shared interests. Membership of the European Union will help to further those shared interests and values and reconcile differences. I do not only say this out of faith. Just look at the history books.
Every time the European Union has enlarged, it has emerged stronger – more confident, more capable. Britain joined with Ireland and Denmark in 1973 – and the EU became stronger. Then Greece in 1981. Then Spain and Portugal. More recently a historic shift to include 12 new members from central and eastern Europe. Each time the EU has become more able to deliver the security and prosperity to its members, more able, because rather than despite of its diversity, to reach out and influence change beyond its borders.
It will be the same story with Turkey. Not only are the people of Turkey already benefiting from the economic and administrative reforms that membership entails, but all citizens of the EU will benefit from Turkey’s membership, which will bring the strength of diversity united by shared values.
In the UK, we know from our own experience that the process can seem long and difficult. I understand that in Turkey you have an old saying that conveys the frustration: it will feel at times rather like ‘digging a well with a needle’. But it is important to persevere. The UK’s application to the EU was twice vetoed in the 1960s but then approved by a large majority in a referendum in France.
My position is clear: the EU must keep its promises and encourage the process of negotiations to run its course. It is the right thing to do. It is the course that all current EU member states committed ourselves to at the European Council in December last year. As European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso has said, "We voted unanimously in favour, and must carry on down this road”. Technical discussions on Turkey’s accession will continue in the enlargement working group under the Portuguese Presidency, and the UK will work with other member states to ensure the process moves ahead.
And that promise will be strengthened by the momentum of reform here in Turkey, by the role that you play overseas, and above all that you keep your faith in the process of joining the EU. Turkey itself by its behaviour can help disarm the sceptics. Looking again at the problematic issues surrounding freedom of expression is critical, as is progress on Cyprus. I welcome today’s meeting between the Leaders of the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities. They must build on this and seize the opportunity over the coming months to work quickly towards a comprehensive and durable UN settlement. The EU must do more to end the isolation of Turkish Cypriots. But Turkey must also make early moves to meet its obligation to open ports and airports to all parties including the Republic of Cyprus. So at each stage it is a partnership; we are building a common future; we each have an important role in making it possible.
Today, in the streets of Istanbul, you can feel the history of different civilisations, but also the dynamism, optimism and diversity that is modern Turkey. Turkey’s GDP per capita has doubled over the last 5 years. It is set to be one to the top ten world economies within the next twenty years. Turkey’s economic clout, its political role in one of the world’s most unstable regions, its geographical location as a bridge between East and West make it key player on the global stage.
If Turkey can play a role as a member of the European Union, engaged in shared projects, promoting shared values, the prize for Turkey, for Britain and for Europe as a whole is immense: to witness an age where the world is not just more connected, and more interdependent, but more equal in terms of power, wealth and opportunity, more at ease between the different identities that Turkey bridges, and as a result, more secure. The prize is worth fighting for.
Speech at Bahcesehir University, Istanbul, Turkey
September 5th, 2007
This is one of my early visits outside the UK as Foreign Secretary and this, my first visit to Turkey, is intended to reflect my simple belief: that the relationship between Turkey and the EU represents one of the defining political tests of our time. Get it right, and we can prove wrong those who say we are destined for a clash of civilisations, that East and West, Muslims, Christians and Jews, can find no common ground; get it wrong and we give succour to those who would pull us apart.
So this speech is about building bridges at a time of change. There are new Governments in Britain and in Turkey, new challenges facing our countries. But my starting point is our new and shared opportunity: the opportunity to bridge the gap between Europe and Asia.
The last phase of globalisation in the 19th century polarised the world. At the beginning of the 19th century, the average citizen in India and China enjoyed around half the wealth of citizens in Western Europe. By the end of the century, they had just one seventh.
Today, there are massive forces for inequality between people. But there are also very strong forces of 21st century globalisation pulling countries closer together. For example, China and India’s economies together represent about a quarter of US GDP. By 2030, they are expected to command a similar share of the global economy as the US.
As the historian, John Darwin puts it:
“The ‘great divergence’ in wealth and economic performance between the Euro-Atlantic West and most of the rest of Eurasia has given way instead to the ‘great convergence’, which should, if it continues, restore the balance to the rough equilibrium of half a millennium ago in the next 50 years.”
If we can sustain ‘the great convergence’ of power, wealth and opportunity between East and West, if we can create a world where what we share – in terms of interests and values, rights and responsibilities, institutions and activities – far outweighs that which separates us, if we can recognise that our common humanity shines through our diversity, I believe we can create the conditions to tackle insecurity and build prosperity.
In bridging the gap between Europe and Asia, between East and West, there is no more pivotal country than Turkey. Your geography and culture, your past and your present have placed you at the crossroads between East and West. At a time when we face risks and opportunities that cross geographical borders, from climate change and organised crime to global terrorism, there is a simple choice.
There is the temptation to turn inwards, to tend to our own affairs, to try to shut out the chaotic and sometimes capricious world around us. But the truth is that global affairs are now all our own affairs. Avian flu in Thailand, economic stress in the US, terrorist training in Pakistan are not foreign business but domestic concern. Fortifying our defences is necessary but not sufficient. We – Britain, Turkey and the rest of Europe - must turn outwards and invest in shared projects and shared institutions that help harness the opportunities of our connected world. That is the argument I want to develop today.
The starting point is shared values. Across the world, we see a diversity of beliefs, ideals and ways of life – not just between countries but also within countries. Cultures are converging far less markedly than economies. Our aim should not be uniformity. It is neither possible nor desirable. Our need, however, is to create a consensus around a set of rules, norms and shared values that reflect our common humanity. That consensus needs to be built within countries – as we in Britain know well – and between countries. It starts with universal values of human dignity and human rights, democratic accountability and checks on arbitrary power.
It is not “western” to assert that there are universal human values. The dignity of every individual, their equal worth, are not Judeo-Christian ideas; they have inspired people of all religions, and none, throughout human history, in all parts of the world. And modern Turkey gives lie to the argument that democratic values and a secular democratic state are incompatible with a Muslim majority. Your recent elections, in which over 80% of the electorate voted, and the range of different parties and independents in the new Parliament, properly reflects the diversity of modern Turkey. As your new President said in his acceptance speech:
“a country cannot claim to be contemporary if even a single citizen is being discriminated against based on his or her religious, linguistic or ethnic characteristics or economic status.”
This is a country where Muslims want to be modernisers; where the key secular founding principle of the state is that people have a right to choose how to live their live but not to impose their views on others; and where it is the power of democracy that reconciles conflicting views and interests. Some say this is not possible: I believe it is the way of the future.
Your power is not just as an example. The Turkish Government is playing a key role in the battle of ideas against religious extremism. For example, Prime Minister Erdogan’s ‘Alliance of Civilisations’ initiative is working to identity key figures to spread messages of reconciliation especially in conflict situations. Turkey has chosen to sponsor major work on the empowerment of women in the Arab world. And just as you have supported us in our fight to combat Al-Qaeda attacks, we too support you in your fight to address the threat posed by the PKK.
This is not just a task for governments. That is why I am today launching a project with Bahcesehir University to involve civil society organisations in helping to get the voices of modernity and reconciliation better heard in the wider world.
These shared projects are vital to our shared future.
In the Middle East, Turkey can add a whole new dimension to efforts to bring security and prosperity to that region. For example, the project to build a secure industrial park in the West Bank, led by the Turkish Chamber of Commerce organisation, TOBB, could play a vital role in economic regeneration.
In Iraq, Turkey has been instrumental in supporting the democratic process, securing the participation of the Sunni Arab community in the elections in December 2005 and taking forward the Neighbours Initiative. Despite the security risks, strong trading relationships are developing, with Turkey now a major investor in Iraq.
In Afghanistan, Turkey is playing a key role as part of NATO. Turkish organisations are involved in building schools for girls. And through hosting the Karzai-Musharraf Summit, helping to bridge Afghan-Pakistani differences.
Turkey’s geographical position exposes it to risks as well as opportunities. It makes it a major route exploited by criminal gangs trafficking drugs and people. Turkish customs today are seizing ten times the amount of heroin they were just five years ago, progress that we must build on in the next year.
In relation to energy and climate change, Turkey is an increasingly important transit route for oil and natural gas, but is threatened by devastation of the Black Sea fish stocks, tourist towns and heritage sites on the coast, never mind severe water shortages. Turkey did not sign the Kyoto Protocol. But as the sixteenth biggest economy in the world, it is vital that Turkey is part of a global deal that succeeds the end of the first commitment period of the Kyoto protocol in 2012. If it makes this shift, I believe the economic benefits are significant. The global environmental technologies market is already worth over half a trillion dollars a year and is set to grow exponentially. Turkey is well placed to take up a leading position in renewable energy technologies, particularly hydro-electrical, geo-thermal and wind. We do not have to make a choice between economic growth and environmental protection. We have to choose between a high carbon development path that is damaging to prosperity as well as environment and security, and low carbon path of development that offers us economic and environmental benefits.
Shared projects and activities are required to tackle the urgent shared threats we face. But we also need to extend and strengthen our shared institutions: shared institutions that can provide focus and drive for our activities, help reconcile competing interests, and help to nurture common values.
This year is the 50th anniversary of the founding of the European Union. It has brought peace and prosperity to a continent that was ravaged by war. It did so by creating a political institution that furthered our shared economic interests and shared values, and where interests or values differed, enabled them to be reconciled peacefully.
But the truth is that thanks to its success in promoting peace, the European Union needs a new sense of purpose, as ambitious and relevant as those set 50 years ago. Today, the threat to our national security and prosperity does not come from conflict between European powers; it comes from terrorists and religious extremists within failed states outside Europe. It comes from nuclear proliferation outside Europe. It comes from the threat of climate change and conflict over energy and natural resources.
In the 1950s, the threats were internal, and the EU focus was also internal. In the 21st century, our national security challenge demands an outward-looking EU.
So if you are serious about countering terrorism, you have to recognise the value of the European Arrest Warrant that brought the 21st July bomber Hussein Osman to justice. If you are serious about tackling Iranian nuclear proliferation, you have to recognise the importance of the E3+3 process in coordinating the appropriate incentives and sanctions. If you are serious about climate change, you have to recognise that the EU’s leadership in environmental standards is transforming product markets and paving the way for a global deal.
In a world where Europe itself is made up of many different religions, and European interests require us to do business with people of all religions, it makes no sense for the EU to be defined as a closed Christian club. Its membership must demonstrate that diversity of religious beliefs is compatible with common values, and common institutions.
That project of an outward looking EU needs as a clear goal the position of Turkey as a full and equal member. Turkey and the rest of Europe are bound together by a shared belief in democracy and by shared interests. Membership of the European Union will help to further those shared interests and values and reconcile differences. I do not only say this out of faith. Just look at the history books.
Every time the European Union has enlarged, it has emerged stronger – more confident, more capable. Britain joined with Ireland and Denmark in 1973 – and the EU became stronger. Then Greece in 1981. Then Spain and Portugal. More recently a historic shift to include 12 new members from central and eastern Europe. Each time the EU has become more able to deliver the security and prosperity to its members, more able, because rather than despite of its diversity, to reach out and influence change beyond its borders.
It will be the same story with Turkey. Not only are the people of Turkey already benefiting from the economic and administrative reforms that membership entails, but all citizens of the EU will benefit from Turkey’s membership, which will bring the strength of diversity united by shared values.
In the UK, we know from our own experience that the process can seem long and difficult. I understand that in Turkey you have an old saying that conveys the frustration: it will feel at times rather like ‘digging a well with a needle’. But it is important to persevere. The UK’s application to the EU was twice vetoed in the 1960s but then approved by a large majority in a referendum in France.
My position is clear: the EU must keep its promises and encourage the process of negotiations to run its course. It is the right thing to do. It is the course that all current EU member states committed ourselves to at the European Council in December last year. As European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso has said, "We voted unanimously in favour, and must carry on down this road”. Technical discussions on Turkey’s accession will continue in the enlargement working group under the Portuguese Presidency, and the UK will work with other member states to ensure the process moves ahead.
And that promise will be strengthened by the momentum of reform here in Turkey, by the role that you play overseas, and above all that you keep your faith in the process of joining the EU. Turkey itself by its behaviour can help disarm the sceptics. Looking again at the problematic issues surrounding freedom of expression is critical, as is progress on Cyprus. I welcome today’s meeting between the Leaders of the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities. They must build on this and seize the opportunity over the coming months to work quickly towards a comprehensive and durable UN settlement. The EU must do more to end the isolation of Turkish Cypriots. But Turkey must also make early moves to meet its obligation to open ports and airports to all parties including the Republic of Cyprus. So at each stage it is a partnership; we are building a common future; we each have an important role in making it possible.
Today, in the streets of Istanbul, you can feel the history of different civilisations, but also the dynamism, optimism and diversity that is modern Turkey. Turkey’s GDP per capita has doubled over the last 5 years. It is set to be one to the top ten world economies within the next twenty years. Turkey’s economic clout, its political role in one of the world’s most unstable regions, its geographical location as a bridge between East and West make it key player on the global stage.
If Turkey can play a role as a member of the European Union, engaged in shared projects, promoting shared values, the prize for Turkey, for Britain and for Europe as a whole is immense: to witness an age where the world is not just more connected, and more interdependent, but more equal in terms of power, wealth and opportunity, more at ease between the different identities that Turkey bridges, and as a result, more secure. The prize is worth fighting for.
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